Friday, July 15, 2011

Migrant Heartbreaks on the Border

Frontera NorteSur: on-line, U.S.-Mexico border news
July 13, 2011

Crossings and detentions of undocumented migrants might be sharply down on the US-Mexico border, but many people stuck on the international line face stark conditions. Despite the well-known dangers and difficulties in crossing the border without papers, migrants continue attempting almost Herculean feats to reach the US. And more than a few die on the journey to the Promised Land.

In Sonora, state police announced this month the discovery of eight people who presumably died of exposure to the elements in the inhospitable desert near the US border.

Alerted by ranch hands, state and federal law enforcement authorities recovered the remains of eight people at two ranches and in a mountainous zone located in the municipality of Sonoyta bordering Arizona. Found less than a mile from the US line, the deceased persons showed no “signs of violence,” according to Sonora officials.

Four victims were initially identified as Calixto Yagas Sil of Oaxaca, Adan Gomez Hernandez, Chiapas; Orben Heriberto Lopez Lopez, Chiapas; and Eliadin Vejar Galzviz, Ensenada, Baja California. Mexican authorities calculated that the men perished in a 3-12 month time frame prior to their discovery.

In Ciudad Juarez, meanwhile, a surge in deportations of Mexican nationals from the US is straining the capacity of local migrant service providers. Supported by the Roman Catholic Church, the city’s Migrant House has been forced to set up mattresses in hallways because of a lack of space.

The shelter houses migrants of both sexes and of all ages for average stays ranging from three to five days.

“They come here lacking everything, materially and spiritually,” said Leticia Perez, the center’s director. “Besides having a bed to rest upon, the majority of them here express appreciation for the food and the hot water for bathing.” According to Perez, many deported migrants suffer emotional traumas and require therapeutic care.

Cited in a local news publication, National Migration Institute (INM) statistics report that 3,987 people were deported from the US to Ciudad Juarez between January and the end of May of this year. The numbers jumped as the year wore on, growing from 359 deportees in January to 1,366 in April, the peak month reported so far this year.

In total, Mexico accepted 198,567 deportees from the US during the first five months of 2011. The number was down from the comparable period of last year, when 240,505 Mexican nationals were sent home from the US.

Alejandro Salas Dominguez, Sonora delegate for the INM, said the vast majority of Mexican citizens deported from the US are processed through ports of entry in Baja California and Sonora.

Still, some deportations continue to take place in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, regardless of the widely publicized violence jarring the border city. For example, just in the two-day period of July 12 and 13, at least 27 people were reported murdered in numerous incidents.

Sources: Lapolaka.com, July 13, 2011. El Diario de Juarez, July 10 and 13, 2011. Articles by EFE and editorial staff. Noticiasnet.mx, July 11, 2011. La Jornada, July 8, 2011. Article by Fabiola Martinez. Nortedigital.com.mx, June 28, 2011. Article by Miguel Vargas. La Prensa de San Luis (Sonora), May 19, 2011.

Frontera NorteSur: on-line, U.S.-Mexico border news
Center for Latin American and Border Studies
New Mexico State University
Las Cruces, New Mexico

For a free electronic subscription email: fnsnews@nmsu.edu

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Monday, June 27, 2011

ACCIÓN URGENTE: Secuetro masivo de migrantes en Mexico

by Judith Arteaga on Monday, June 27, 2011 at 2:59pm



El 24 de junio se produjo un secuestro masivo de migrantes irregulares que viajaban en un tren de mercancías entre los estados de Oaxaca y Veracruz en México. Se desconoce el paradero de muchos de los hombres, mujeres y niños que viajan en el tren. Sus vidas corren peligro.

El 24 de junio, un tren de mercancías, en cuyo techo viajaban 200 migrantes irregulares dejó la ciudad de Ixtepec en el estado de Oaxaca, rumbo a Medias Aguas, en el estado de Veracruz. Muchos de los migrantes que viajaban en el tren habían estado en el refugio para migrantes “Hermanos en el Camino”, dirigido por el Padre Alejandro Solalinde Guerra, defensor de los derechos de los migrantes, antes de partir hacia Veracruz en su ruta hacia la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México. En el tren viajaban varios niños.

Según testigos presenciales, cuando el tren se aproximaba a Medias Aguas, el conductor lo detuvo en una zona aislada dónde se encontraban estacionadas 3 camionetas. Cuando el tren se paró por completo, al menos 10 hombres armados salieron de los vehículos y comenzaron a hostigar a los migrantes gritando “bájense hijos de su puta madre, bájense rápido y súbanse a las camionetas”. Algunos de los migrantes lograron escapar, pero muchos fueron introducidos a punta de pistola en los vehículos y se los llevaron.

Algunos de los testigos del secuestro que lograron escapar, regresaron al albergue “Hermanos en el Camino” tras el ataque. Según estos testigos, entre los secuestrados hay mujeres y niños. Algunos de los testigos denunciaron el secuestro ante las autoridades.

POR FAVOR, ESCRIBE INMEDIATAMENTE en español o en tu propia lengua:

- Instando a las autoridades a investigar inmediatamente el secuestro en masa de mgirantes irregulars, averiguando su paradero y asegurando su seguridad y llevando a los responsables ante la justicia, incluyendo cualquier funcionario público que actúe en complicidad con los grupos criminales;

- Pide a las autoridades que proporcionen a los migrantes testigos del secuestro medidas de seguridad y visados temporales, para que puedan testificar contra los responsables sin temor a represalias o a ser deportados.

- Pide al Secretario de Gobernación que lidere la implementación de un plan de acción para proteger los derechos de los migrantes en tránsito, incluyendo la investigación efectiva y la persecución de los responsables de estos abusos, la protección de los migrantes que se encuentran en riesgo y la recopilación y publicación a nivel nacional de datos sobre los abusos sufridos por migrantes.

POR FAVOR, ENVÍEN SUS PETICIONES ANTES DEL 8 DE AGOSTO DE 2011 A:

Lic. José Francisco Blake Mora

Secretario de Gobernación

Bucareli 99, 1er. Piso, Col. Juárez

Delegación Cuauhtemoc

México DF, CP 06600

Fax: +52 55 50933414 (extensión 32356)

Saludo: Estimado Secretario


Marisela Morales Ibañez

Procuradora General de Justicia de la República,

Av. Paseo de la reforma 211 – 213, Col. Cuauhtemoc, Del. Cuauhtémoc, México D.F., México

Fax: +52 555 346 0908 (keep trying)

Email: mmoralesi@pgr.gob.mx

Saludo: Estimada Procuradora General


Lic. Javier Duarte de Ochoa

Gobernador de Veracruz

Palacio de Gobierno

Av. Enriquez S/N, Col Centro,

CP 91000, Xalapa,

Veracruz, Mexico.

Email: javierduarte@veracruz.gob.mx

Envíen también copias a las representaciones diplomáticas de México en su país. Confirme con la officende la Sección de Amnistía Internacional de su país si va a enviar peticiones después de la fecha indicada.


ACCIÓN URGENTE: SECUESTRO MASIVO DE MIGRANTES EN MÉXICO

INFORMACIÓN ADICIONAL

Cada año, cientos de miles de migrantes irregulares (que no cuentan con documentos oficiales de viaje) procedentes de Centroamérica y Sudamérica intentan llegar a los Estados Unidos de América atravesando México. Muchos son detenidos por las autoridades de migración mexicanas y devueltos a sus países de origen. Amnistía Internacional visitó recientemente México para investigar las denuncias de violaciones de derechos humanos contra estas personas. Durante su visita, Amnistía Internacional constató que muchos migrantes habían sido secuestrados por organizaciones criminales, a veces con la complicidad de funcionarios locales. La impunidad respecto a los abusos contra migrantes, quienes son extremadamente vulnerables, ha favorecido que estos abusos se incrementen, a pesar de del compromiso del gobierno de asegurar el respeto a los derechos de los migrantes.

Según un informe de la Comisión nacional de Derechos Humanos de México, en un periodo de 6 meses de 2010, más de 11,000 migrantes irregulares fueron secuestrados en México.

Amnistía Internacional produjo recientemente un documental sobre la situación de los migrantes centroamericanos en su paso por México, Pueden verla y actuar en: www.youtube.com/invisiblesfilms

UA: 201/11 Index: AMR 41/042/2011 Fecha de lanzamiento: 27 de junio de 2011

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Thursday, April 07, 2011

Frontera NorteSur: Nobody’s War, Everybody’s Struggle

April 7, 2011

Shrouded in burka-like attire, the anonymous woman was suddenly transformed into “nobody.” Her eyes concealed by a pair of huge shades, the Mexican woman told the large crowd assembled at central El Paso’s Catholic Daughter’s Hall how she came to live in the United States without papers.

Once a professional with a bright future ahead of her, the woman claimed she left Mexico because extortion, kidnapping, murder and threats cascaded on her family in a land of impunity.

Part of a growing population of Mexican refugees from the so-called drug war, the mystery presenter spoke of a “constant pain in the stomach and pressure in the chest” that well up from living with a constant fear of deportation and possible separation from her refugee children.

“You can’t imagine what its like to live in the darkness and in the shadows,” the woman said.

At the beginning of the talk, she offered somewhat of an apology: “I’d like to tell you my name, but I don’t think it really matters. In the eyes of God, I am a citizen of the world. In the eyes of mankind, I am just another immigrant, a number and at times not even a number.”

The refugee’s captivating speech was heard at an April 2 immigration forum organized by Annunciation House, a Catholic-sponsored migrant shelter in El Paso.

Elizabeth Flores, director of the Catholic Church’s Pastoral Obrera labor rights and social action organization in neighboring Ciudad Juarez, set the stage for the refugee’s personal drama by describing how “an absurd war against drug trafficking” had resulted in the slaughter of more 7,000 people and the expulsion of 230,000 others from the border city during the last three years.

Unlike previous periods of economically-driven migration to the Paso del Norte borderland, the latest movement of people in the region has other causes, Flores said.

“The new migrant flees to preserve life,” Flores added. “The new migrant never thought about leaving the city, work and friendships.” Flores underscored how the violence was fanned by high-powered weapons mainly from North America.

In sardonically poetic fashion, Mexican Bishop Raul Vera wrapped a thematic tone around the El Paso gathering. An internationally-recognized migrant and labor defender, Bishop Vera tailored his talk to a reading of the poem by the Uruguayan writer Eduardo Galeano titled “The Nobodies.”

Based in the northern Mexican city of Saltillo, Coahuila, Bishop Vera’s diocese is very active in providing shelter and aid to Central American migrants traveling the long and treacherous road through Mexico to the US.

“We’re doing for the migrants what we have to do…we are trying to return to the world the equilibrium of justice that’s gone,” Bishop Vera said, couching social action in Catholic and Christian precepts.

The church leader was in El Paso to accept an Annunciation House “Voice of the Voiceless” award for the work of the Saltillo migrant shelter.

Bishop Vera told how members of his ministry have documented cases of kidnapping, extortion, torture and even kidney and eye extraction by organized gangs that act in collusion with law enforcement authorities and some local residents.

According to Bishop Vera, missing migrants have likely vanished into the “modern slavery” of the underworld, forcibly employed to pack illegal drugs and perform other menial chores.

Activists’ suspicions were reinforced by a handful of survivors of last year’s massacre of 72 Central and South American migrants in San Fernando, Tamaulipas, who were executed after allegedly rejecting work offered by a criminal gang, he said.

In the broadest sense, migrants have become “the nobodies who cost less than the bullet that kills them,” Bishop Vera declared, again quoting the Galeano poem.

Like Bishop Vera, other speakers weaved accounts of how millions of human beings across the globe are consigned to the cold statistics of “nobodies.”

Kat Rodriguez, program director for Arizona’s Human Rights Coalition, graphically showed the audience how many migrants remain “nobodies” even beyond death.

Armed with a power-point presentation, Rodriguez compared the increase in border fencing since 2002 to the surge in migrant deaths recorded in the harsh landscape of southern Arizona, where today’s migrants are funneled by organized smuggling rings.

For example, Rodriguez said 721 human remains were recovered in the area from 2003 to 2006, with 331 of the victims initially unidentified. Of the unknown dead, 254 were male, 59 female and 18 of unknown gender. In 2005, the Pima County Office of the Medical Examiner ran out of space to store all the remains, Rodriguez said.

“They find pure bones, very little of the person,” she said. “This is a human rights crisis.”

In one of Rodriguez’s slides, the state’s southern counties were suddenly lit up with red dots pinpointing the spots where migrant remains have been found.

More than 5,000 migrants have perished along the entire southern US border since the mid-1990s, when Washington began tightening border security, Rodriguez said, but the real toll could be much higher as current numbers only reflect bodies or remains which have been recovered.

She added: “But the truth is that (migrant deaths) could be double or triple this, and if we include those in Mexico, who knows?”

The Arizona migrant advocate attributed migrant deaths to dehydration, exposure to the elements, drowning, vehicle accidents and Border Patrol shootings.

Inevitably, the discussion at the El Paso forum turned to the proverbial: “What is to be Done?”

Father Pedro Pantoja, director of the Catholic Church-sponsored migrant shelter in Saltillo, told Frontera NorteSur that immigrant advocates are demanding the Mexican government face an international tribunal for the Tamaulipas massacre and other atrocities.

Pantoja said two relevant petitions have been filed with the Washington-based Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, the first one dealing with the kidnapping of migrants and the second one having to do with protective measures for Pantoja’s shelter and its workers.

Additionally, the shelter and its supporters are in contact with the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, Pantoja said.

On Monday, April 4, high-ranking officials from Mexico’s National Migration Institute (INM) and the federal attorney general’s office met with United Nations officials in Geneva, Switzerland, to discuss the migrant crisis, according to Mexican media and government reports.

The Mexican representatives reportedly said eight suspects were under arrest for the 2010 Tamaulipas massacre, and that the Calderon administration was working with the governments of El Salvador and Brazil to dismantle the human trafficking networks responsible for sending migrants to a summary firing squad near the US border.

INM Commissioner Salvador Beltran del Rio added that Mexico was complying with international human rights standards, and working with civil society to decriminalize irregular migration, protect migrants and assure their return home. The Mexican official blamed organized crime for attacks on migrants.

In response to a question from a Salvadoran United Nations investigator, Beltran del Rio replied that approximately 140,000-150,000 migrants from the south travel through Mexico every year in transit to the US. Slightly more than 63,000 migrants were deported by Mexican authorities last year, he said.

In contrast, he added, the US deported more than 469,000 Mexican nationals in 2010, including 20,000 children; more than half the deported minors, or 13,000, were traveling alone, according to Beltran del Rio.

But in El Paso, Father Pantoja criticized an immigration law reform that is languishing in the Mexican Senate, calling it top-heavy on “national security” and having more to do with carrying out “the dirty work of the United States” rather than addressing humanitarian needs.

He also reiterated complaints that threats against the Saltillo migrant shelter continue, despite earlier widespread national and international publicity. “Police aren’t responding adequately,” Pantoja charged.

In remarks to the forum, Texas state Senator Jose Rodriguez (D-El Paso), said anti-immigrant sentiment was sweeping Mexico, Europe, the US and his own home state, where more than 100 pieces of “anti-immigrant legislation” were recently introduced in the state capital of Austin.

Simultaneously, a state budget deficit of $23-$27 billion was encouraging a state political leadership wielding “wrong priorities” to put education and social services on the chopping block, Rodriguez contended.

A long-serving El Paso county attorney before he won the seat formerly held by retiring state Senator Eliot Shapleigh last year, Rodriguez endorsed comprehensive immigration reform, grassroots mobilization and cross-border labor organizing initiatives like the one pursued by the United Electrical Workers and Mexico’s Authentic Workers Front.

Rodriguez said anti-immigrant and anti-labor measures have galvanized numerous public protests in Austin during the current legislative session, with a big, statewide day of action set for Wednesday, April 6. “Pressure has results,” he insisted.

The Texas Democrat urged action at the ballot box, arguing that while Latinos now comprise a huge segment of the US population, community voter participation is still low. According to 2010 US Census numbers recently compiled and released by the National Council of La Raza, Latinos make up 37.62 percent of the population in Texas alone.

For Rodriguez, involvement in the immigration fight is a personal issue. Born in south Texas, Rodriguez told how his family of migrant farmworkers labored alongside Mexican braceros in cotton fields, in peach orchards and on blueberry farms. As a young man, Rodriguez recalled witnessing the struggle of the old Texas Farm Workers Union.

“I stand before you today as a Texas state senator because of the lessons I learned in those fields,” he added.

Pastoral Obrera’s Elizabeth Flores also stressed the importance of grassroots mobilization and “resistance.” She sketched a contemporary portrait of Ciudad Juarez as a place hammered by the type of riveting, violent crisis that favors imposed austerity regimes, jolting economic restructurings and mass displacement, along the lines of the “Shock Doctrine” theory of economic and political change propounded by Canadian writer and activist Naomi Klein.

In Ciudad Juarez’s version of the “Shock Doctrine,” half the population of the adjacent Juarez Valley has been displaced by violence, Flores told Frontera NorteSur.

She said many people in the town of Guadalupe, which serves as the transportation hub of the rural area, have abandoned their homes after receiving threats to leave or face a torching party-hardly an idle threat in lieu of the dozens of arson attacks and hundreds of murders and forced disappearances carried out in the Juarez Valley during the past two years. According to Flores, Guadalupe is also an important link on the highway leading to a new international bridge with Texas.

Although the rampant violence in Ciudad Juarez’s urban core often comes across in the US media as a cataclysm of chaotic blood-spilling, Flores said some forces have actually benefited from the carnage, including US arms dealers and human traffickers. Also, the deployment of thousands of soldiers and federal police has favored the prostitution business, while factory workers endure low wages and put up with tougher working condition than in the past.

“It is now cheaper for the investors and businessmen to employ people, because fear forces people to accept worse working conditions, and because workers don’t want to struggle for their rights,” Flores insisted.

In Flores’ view, international solidarity with the Mexican people is crucial, though she cautioned that supporters should not fall into an apolitical trap of acting out of charitable impulses but instead carefully examine who is benefiting and who is not from the “supposed drug violence in Mexico.”

-Kent Paterson

Frontera NorteSur: on-line, U.S. -Mexico border news Center for Latin American and Border Studies New Mexico State University Las Cruces, New Mexico

For a free electronic subscription email: fnsnews@nmsu.edu

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Monday, January 31, 2011

RMALC: It’s time to rescue and defend Mexico by putting an end to NAFTA

Red Mexicana de Accion Frente al Libre Comercio (RMALC)

Mexico City. January 11, 2011: The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was implemented on the first of January 17 years ago, an anniversary that just passed by and that most Mexicans were unaware of. Not surprising really since NAFTA isn’t something to be celebrated. Rather this deal should be roundly condemned as an action taken by the Mexican government that has lead to the dismantling of our industrial infrastructure, the loss of thousands of jobs, and the deepening of poverty. And as if that weren’t enough, the country has lost its food sovereignty and has seen its rural agricultural base decimated.

Alejandro Villamar, a member the Executive Council of the Mexican Action Network on Free Trade (RMALC acronym in Spanish) says “I don’t know anyone in their right mind who after 17 years would say that the government got it right. Today even industrialists are willing to say that the deal has been a crap-shoot with businesses going under, companies being shuttered, and jobs destroyed.”

It is shameful that we now import 46 per cent of all the food we consume in this country. Shameful as well that we are down to producing 20 million tons of corn while having to import a further 12 million tons of subsidized (U.S.) corn - leading inexorably to the destruction of both small farmer and indigenous economies.

“And then the government is apparently shocked by the fact that so many people after being deprived of their livelihoods in the rural areas, seek to better their lives by heading to the cities, or by going north and thereby putting their very lives at risk,” states Villamar.

Alberto Arroyo Picard, a researcher at the Autonomous University of Mexico and also a member of the Executive Council of RMALC adds, “Hidden behind the propaganda lauding the growth in exports and increased direct investments is the reality that those export sales are built on prior imports, and that all of this has lead to the disintegration of the country’s chains of production while our productive infrastructure is being de-nationalized. Under NAFTA Mexico hasn’t morphed into an exporting powerhouse, rather it serves as a platform for transnational corporations to do their exporting from”.

Following a meeting held in Mexico City on the 10th of January, the NAFTA Free Trade Commission Ministers repeated a list of supposed benefits accruing from this commercial agreement, this despite NAFTA having failed to meet its own objectives.

Mexico’s Economy Secretary Bruno Ferrari, U.S. Trade Representative Ron Kirk, and Canadian Minister of International Trade Peter Van Loan, together advanced the argument that opening up the borders and eliminating any remaining regulatory controls over commerce and investment are key principles that need to be deepened in order to make the North American economy more competitive. They claimed that NAFTA is the “catalyst for our economic recovery.” However, they seem to have forgotten that the economic model that this treaty is built upon is precisely the one that has caused the global crisis that we are now experiencing.

For RMALC these last 17 years have pointed out just how hollow government promises were when NAFTA was signed. At that time the officials were working to convince the public that NAFTA was going to be Mexico’s ticket to becoming a first world country replete with better salaries, better jobs, and enhanced industrial capacity, etc. Paradise was surely at hand!*

Even though NAFTA has meant that Mexico’s integration with the U.S. has been as a subordinate resulting in the loss of national sovereignty, the current government is not only insisting on deepening this dependency but it is also seeking to rekindle the North American Competitiveness Council (NACC) made up of the top CEOs from the three countries - a grouping originally struck under the Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP).

For Mexico’s Economy Ministry it is very important to count “once again on recommendations coming from the region’s private sector”. In other words, the Ministry wants to get its marching orders from the heads of U.S. and Canadian transnational corporations plus the 10 Mexican corporate heads (NACC members) – all of whom the Ministry would call on to help shape national policy. In making this request of the private sector the Mexican government is clearly showing a foolish willingness to submit to that sector’s dictates.

The government is not even capable of adopting forceful measures when faced with the controversial halting by the U.S. of cross-border trucking. Rather, the government appears to be willing to accept the U.S. proposal for a ‘pilot program’ (not an option found in the NAFTA) with inspections and supervision (of Mexican trucks) to take place at the pleasure of the U.S. government.

For these and many other reasons RMALC believes that all Mexicans need to express their opposition to these types of developments. The time has come to rescue and to defend our Nation.

Press contacts: Marco Antonio Velásquez - secretario.rmalc@gmail.com , Alejandro Villamar - avillamarc@hotmail.com .

_______

* RMALC has published a series of occasional papers that point out the negative impact that NAFTA has had on most Mexicans – these can be searched for (in Spanish) under the Seccion de Libros on the web page www.rmalc.org.mx.

Translation: Rick Arnold. Common Frontiers-Canada

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Thursday, November 04, 2010

Women migrants, women organizers at the PGA, leading the struggle for justice & human rights

By Laura Rivas

This is Day 3 of the fifth People´s Global Action on Migration, Development and Human Rights in Mexico City.

This morning, we heard from Ana Avendaño [who works for the AFL] and William Gois [from Migrant Forum Asia] among others who spoke about the challenges we face to link issues across social justice movements and to create opportunities to work together to continue pushing for changes in policies affecting migrants and immigrants around the world.

So far, the highlight of the PGA for me has been participating in the workshop on Gender and Migration, held last night at the Ex Convent of San Hipólito, among the ghosts of women who have walked these hallways and traversed these corridors.

Women and men from communities around the world including the Philippines, Mexico, Korea, India, Africa, and the U.S. shared stories of women migrants impacted severely by inhumane repressive migration policies, and violence across the spectrum of family, work, community, the state and its agencies, and in transit from their home countries to the country of destination.

Quite literally, "from the womb to the workplace," women migrants experience human rights abuses and rights violations on a personal, physical, political, cultural, religious, and legal/constitutional level.

But as one of the sisters shared, we have a big task ahead of us, not only to ensure that a strong gender lens is cast over the broader discussions on migration, development, and human rights but also that as organizers, human rights defenders, advocates, activists, and community members, we make a commitment to work together to raise the voices of migrant women across the globe for justice and human rights.

| Laura Rivas co-coordinates the NNIRR's HURRICANE initiative (Human Rights Community Action Network) and organizes with community groups to document human rights violations and abuses. Photographs by Arnoldo García. |

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Wednesday, November 03, 2010

Renewing ourselves through solidarity & commitment to human rights for all

By Pancho Argüelles

México Tenochtitlán – México City

We gathered for the opening session of the People's Global Action at what used to be the Convent of San Hipólito, in the heart of México City, the place where I grew up.

I see the places and walk the streets my parents saw and walked. I walk around as if looking for them but they are no longer here, and yet they are. It is a bittersweet sensation. It is also bittersweet to be here today with my friends and colleagues, my “compas” from NNIRR and other allies from the delegation. I am happy to be able to share with them my crazy and beautiful city, its food, history, culture; but it is sad because after working together for immigrant rights for the past several years today we wake up to a post election day reality that announces more repression and suffering for our communities living and working in the U.S.

Yes, things look really bad for us in the U.S. Things have been bad for a long time but now with a wave of politicians who ran xenophobic and in many cases openly racist campaigns, coming into office all around the country at the local, state and federal level, we need to be prepared for things to get a lot worst. It is in times like these that we need to be able to dig deeper in our analysis and strategies and connect to our sources of strength and hope.

The People's Global Action meeting in the heart of México City is a good place to listen to what our sisters and brothers from Asia, Europe, South America and Africa are doing to confront policies and systems of worker exploitation, criminalization and repression. We understand the similarities. They are not a coincidence since the roots are the same: historical colonialism and racism in the past and brutal global capitalism, corruption and “low intensity democracies” today. While we advance in building our shared analysis and common agenda we also find strength by sharing stories of successful work of resistance and organizing being done all over the world.

We renew ourselves by renewing our solidarity and commitment to a world where all people have all rights.

From México City, Pancho Argüelles is the Co-Director of Colectivo Flatlander (working with Popular Education for Social and Racial Justice in Texas and the Gulf Coast Region)

[Photographs by Arnoldo García]

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Migration, elections, and how we remember migrant deaths

Dispatch #1 from the Peoples’ Global Action on Migration, Mexico City

By Pedro Rios


Yesterday on November 2, hundreds of social justice and human rights defenders from over 70 countries gathered in Mexico City in the opening session of the 5th assembly of the Peoples’ Global Action on Migration, Development, and Human Rights (PGA). Concerned with how governments treat migration on a global scale, over the next few days delegates will be discussing how to force a more transparent process in government discussions that seek to market and commodify migrant workers.

The context for this meeting is ever more pressing given the results of the mid-term elections in the U.S. that project a right-wing and regressive politics for migration issues. If political campaigns are any indication of how intolerable conditions have become for migrants, the new Congressional make-up and its vicious Tea Party influence paints a bleak future for addressing issues of vulnerability for migrants in the US. Those vying for political power from throughout the political spectrum promote a calloused and accepted bigotry that frames migration as a dehumanized process, whereby migrants are portrayed as degenerates.

"Managed Migration" or the Privatization of Migration Control?

From this vantage point, governments (and their corresponding corporations, or vise-versa) respond to migration as a phenomenon that needs to be managed, controlled, marketed, and exploited. This is a dangerous proposition if the US exports immigration proposals at the global level: that the function of governments in response to reactionary tendencies is to manage migration like a corporate outfit.

It appears this has been the pattern with increased neo-liberal economic agreements around the world, intensified by militaristic projects. This latter part becomes much more alarming when it is infused and promoted by a sector of society that is ultra-nationalist, reminiscent of repressive regimes that shame our collective human history.

In Mexico City the PGA represents a refreshing moment, that at the global level, migrants’ rights advocates continue to push for a framework on development centered on more humanistic proposals. The belief that migrants are social agents capable of dialogue and producing solutions to global social, economic, and political problems is a necessary perspective missing in government and corporate meetings on the issue. Missing also is the foundation that projects of economic development should promote sustainable ways of living, that their commitment should be for how communities could remain whole.

At this convergence on migration, development, and human rights, delegates are insisting on the need to break the corporate paradigm that defines structures and mechanisms dealing with migration around the world, and offer something different, something new.

Remembering the Fallen Migrants, Organizing for Human Rights

Recalling the 72 migrants that were assassinated in Tamaulipas earlier this year, as well as the surge in border deaths this fiscal year and all who have perished along the migratory routes around the world, it was appropriate that delegates held a moment of silence on November 2, on Día de los Muertos.

While throughout Mexico and Latin America, and throughout cities in the United States, communities commemorate Día de los Muertos with altares, a day in which those who have passed are remembered and their lives celebrated, here at the Convento San Hipólito, where the main PGA plenary sessions are held, this recollection represented an affirmation that migrant lives matter.

I believe it is this insistence that we share as delegates: The need to re-frame development with alternative economic models, the need to find ways of making migration an option and not a necessity for survival, and the need to ensure that human rights mechanisms are integrated into development models that will frame how our communities will interact with each other for years to come.

Pedro Rios is the director of the American Friends Service Committee's U.S.-Mexico Border Program in San Diego, CA.

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Sunday, October 31, 2010

U.S. Immigrant Groups Converge in Mexico, Join Global Call for End to Criminalization and Exploitation of Migrants

Contact:
Colin Rajah (415) 203-8763 crajah@nnirr.org
Catherine Tactaquin (510) 459-4557 ctactaquin@nnirr.org

(Mexico City, Mexico) Dozens of U.S. immigrant groups are heading to the 5th People’s Global Action on Migration, Development and Human Rights (PGA) being held in Mexico City Nov. 2-5. The PGA is a community-based gathering to develop and advocate alternatives to the 4th intergovernmental Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD), meeting a week later in Puerto Vallarta on Nov. 10-11.

Led by the National Network for Immigrant and Refugee Rights (NNIRR), close to 80 groups from around the U.S. will join an estimated one thousand other civil society delegates from around the world at the PGA. This will be one of the largest international civil society gatherings focused on one of the most contentious issues worldwide, migration. NNIRR is a co-founder of the PGA.

“There is an unprecedented increase in hostility towards migrants around the world, including in the U.S.,” declared Colin Rajah, Director of NNIRR’s program International Migrant Rights & Global Justice and a member of the PGA international coordinating committee. “As governments discuss ways and means to maximize the development benefits of migration, migrants themselves are being traded as cheap and disposable labor commodities.”

Raising Migrant Voices for Justice & Human Rights

During the PGA, community- based, human rights, women’s, faith-based, labor, migrant workers and other organizations from Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Caribbean, and Europe will share their experiences, strategize and develop action plans to counter the growing government attacks undermining the rights and safety of migrants. Key PGA representatives will also attend the Civil Society Days Nov. 8-9 at the GFMD, and will be delivering one of four international civil society presentations during the government forum.

The PGA serves as a broad-based civil society forum exposing governments’ repressive and inhumane criminalization of migrants around the world and the increasing exploitation of migrant workers in vulnerable and precarious conditions. The PGA also advocates for better global governance and adherence to human rights protections of migrants.

U.S. Will Attend GFMD for First Time

For the first time, the U.S. State Department will be leading an inter-agency delegation of a dozen government representatives to the GFMD. Assistant Secretary of State Eric Schwartz, heading the delegation, is expected to deliver a speech in New York on Nov. 8, in conjunction with the opening of the GFMD.

Rajah commented, “While we applaud the Obama Administration’s reversal of the previous U.S. government policy of non-participation in international fora such as the GFMD, we are concerned that there is little if any indication that the U.S. will modify it trade and migration policies, which drive the forced displacement of communities and violate the rights of migrants. We will be pushing the U.S. to turn around these policies and end the repressive and inhumane treatment of migrant communities. The U.S. must comply with the international human rights protections of all migrants around the world, including in our own country.”

The GFMD was created in 2006 by the United Nations General Assembly, upon the recommendation of then UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon. While its mandate seeks to overcome the limitations of strictly national approaches to key migration issues, the GFMD has become a key site for developing migration and development policy at the expense of the rights of migrants and countries in the Global South.

The inaugural GFMD was held in Brussels in 2007, followed by Manila in 2008 and Athens in 2009. The Swiss government is expected to host the GFMD next year.

The PGA: Creating a Global Vision & Action Plan for Migrant Rights

The PGA was jointly created by regional migrant and migrant rights networks from around the world. Recognizing the limitation of the GFMD’s framework approach, it sought to raise the level of broad civil society engagement as key stakeholders in the debate, and more importantly, to promote the central role of human rights as a framework for migration and development.

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Monday, October 25, 2010

U.S. Border Security Causes Record Migrant Deaths in Arizona

Arizona Fiscal Year Deaths: 253

For Immediate Release
October 21, 2010
Contact:
Derechos Humanos: 520.770.1373

After a Decade of Denouncing Border Militarization,
Arizona Communities See Record Deaths Continue on the Arizona-Sonora Border

While Migrants Continue to Die, DHS Secretary Napolitano Brags About Militarization and Border Policies

Arizona-The final number of bodies recovered on the Arizona-Sonora border for the fiscal year that began on October 1, 2009 and ended September 30, 2010 is 253, the second highest on record for the Arizona -Sonora border, reports Coalición de Derechos Humanos. The data, which are compiled from medical examiner reports from Pima, Yuma, and Cochise counties, are an attempt to give a more accurate reflection of the human cost of expensive and lethal U.S. border and immigration policies.

Derechos Humanos has denounced the militarization of our border, even before we began to see the deadly effects. In 1994, there were 14 known migrant deaths in Arizona, and our communities were outraged, protesting the loss of human life. Only sixteen years later, we are recovering eighteen times that number in one year. That is a 1,707% increase. We cannot permit this to continue.

death graphic percentages 10-21-10

The final count includes 170 males, 32 females, 4 minors, and approximately 156, or 61.7% of unknown identity. Countries represented in the final count include México, Guatemala, Ecuador and the Dominican Republic.

This figure is higher than last year's total of 206 remains recovered, and while the true total number of deaths on the border is impossible to calculate, Derechos Humanos has documented at least 2,104 deaths on the Arizona- Sonora border since 2000. The number of remains recovered in neighboring states and south of the border is not currently available.

deaths graphic ten years 10-21-10

In reviewing the data from this year, an alarming piece that jumps out immediately is the staggering increase in the number of remains of unknown gender. Three years ago, that number was 5, 19 the following year, 31 last year, and this year we are at 51, an incredible 20% of the total recovered. It is unconscionable that our government not only continues with these policies, but openly brags about increasing militarization efforts on the border.

Unknown gender indicates that not enough of the remains were recovered to determine gender, and without DNA, it is impossible to know even this basic information about the individual, making identification and return to their families even more difficult. The dramatic increase in these unknown gender cases are a troubling indicator of what is to come, as people are pushed out into more and more isolated areas, making rescue and detection less likely, and the likelihood of death more certain.

There is information to suggest that the migration flow patterns are shifting due to the Funnel Effect, which has been documented by the Binational Migration Institute.* The high number of skeletal remains recovered this year, 59 (23.3% of total) support this likely shift in migration flow, and it is possible that the long periods of time before being recovered indicates that people are crossing in more isolated and desolate areas, with less chance of rescue or discovery. It is unknown how many remains are currently near the border but have not yet been discovered, and it is probable that some of these remains will never be recovered.

For more than a decade, border communities have cried out for justice, demanding change to the policies that funnel hundreds of men, women and children to their deaths every year. Not only have the human cost of these policies been acknowledged, but efforts have been increased every year. The Department of Homeland Security has been given a blank check every year-granted power, equipment, and resources that could further real security in our communities, such as education, health care and economic development-instead, they have become instruments of death.

A war has been waged not only on immigrants, but on the families that live in border communities-the Indigenous who find their lands red with the blood of native brethren, the desert animals and environment who see their homes destroyed by border infrastructure, and people of conscience who see death becoming horrifyingly normalized every day by our leaders and politicians. We stand united in grief and resolution over these unnecessary deaths, as we witness the fatal policies of division and xenophobia that continue to invade our sacred borderlands.

<|>

The complete list of recovered bodies is available on the Coalición de Derechos Humanos website: http://www.derechoshumanosaz.net. This information is available to anyone who requests it from us and is used by our organization to further raise awareness of the human rights crisis we are facing on our borders.

* The complete BMI study, The "Funnel Effect" & Recovered Bodies of Unauthorized Migrants Processed by the Pima County Office of the Medical Examiner, 1990-2005, is available on the Derechos Humanos website.

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Editors note: embedded links were added.

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Saturday, October 02, 2010

Fragile thoughts on the 16th anniversary of the implementation of Operation Gatekeeper

By Pedro Ríos


He has a name. That man who could not take it anymore has a name but I don’t recall it. He left his home because he could not understand how his dignity no longer had meaning in an irrational world. Irrational because in order for his family to survive, he had to leave them behind, taking with him the mementos that would convince him in the barren desert that once he felt human. A tattered picture of his young family, maybe her handkerchief with the sweet smell of home, the one that held his last meal, or that lasting memory – the moment under that October harvest moon when they prayed their final goodbyes.

In the desert, while the heat scorched, blackening his skin, shrinking and shriveling it, and in spite of this, the memory of his child holding back the tears because his mother told him to do so, “sonríe, pa’ que tu apá te vea que eres valiente.” This memory, I imagine, until his last breath, but I really don’t know because our history makes him nameless so that we too become less human.

His final breath a scratchy gasp of desert sand. In the desert the fading sounds of his life in pure agony, alone. Nameless in history, just some John Doe on a brick tablet in a paupers grave, but a legacy of systemic displacement and death that blot our backyard deserts and mountains.

He was the first one.


At the coroners office we were not permitted to identify the body. We didn’t know if Areli was there. Don Concepción, who traveled from that rural pueblito of Mazatlán in the southern Mexican state of Guerrero, would not know this October evening if his daughter, Areli, was the scorched unidentifiable body inside the plastic body bag, a victim of the inferno in 2007 that blazed San Diego County for two weeks. This gave him hope. Hope that Areli was not with the three groups of migrants who were trapped in the merciless firestorms that first ravaged the backcountry and eventually reached cookie cutter homes outlining San Diego communities. Hope that somehow she made it out safely, was hiding somewhere for fear that she would be detected and sent back to the desperation that pushed her to leave. Hope that Areli would one day marry, have children, grandchildren that he could hold, caress, feel their soft breath on his chest, be content.

Three days later, the local paper read: “Identifican a 4 mexicanos que murieron en incendio forestal.” Two months later, DNA results would confirm Areli perished as a result of injuries sustained trying to escape the firestorms.


Sobre una pared de metal un día me agarre pintando las imágenes del Operativo Guardián, guiándome con un pincel viejo, de madera enmohecido por sangre que escurría por sus pelos de alambre.

Sobre esa pared de acero, una vuelca de carro; los cadáveres sin nombre; la golpiza al migrante; el desangrado; el olvidado; la violada; los deportados; las balas expansivas que mutilan los cuerpos; más cadáveres; muro, tras muro, tras muro; los cucusclans disfrazados de neonazis cazamigrantes; los naufragios; sueños frustrados convertidos en pesadillas; la razón sin razón; la violencia normalizada; la sociedad acostumbrada e apaciguada…

Sobre esa pared escalofriante, las imágenes del Operativo Guardián duelen, arden, y detrás del suspiro, apenas sin ocultar la necesidad de un semblante de justicia, se escucha esta petición desesperada…

¿Cómo carajos hemos permitido esto?

________________________________

Pedro Ríos is the director of the American Friends Service Committee's U.S.-Mexico Border Program in San Diego, California.

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Friday, August 27, 2010

Who's Responsible for the Massacre of Migrants?

Placing the massacre at the feet of U.S. Immigration Control and Trade Policies

Migrant workers continue paying a heavy price as a result of the volatile mixture of the U.S. militarization of immigration control and border communities, the criminalization of migration, the expansion of NAFTA or “free” trade under the “Merida Initiative,” a war on drugs and national security.


On Tuesday, August 24, 2010, devastating news reports began trickling out about a horrific massacre of some 72 international migrants that took place in Mexico. Armed members of a drug cartel had kidnapped these Central and South America migrants. The cartel gunmen were trying to extort ransom money from them to let them continue on their dangerous journey to the U.S. with the hope of reuniting with their families and seek work to survive.


The drug traffickers had tied the migrants’ hands behind their backs and then executed them by shooting them in the back. One migrant who survived the execution, although gravely wounded, dragged himself miles when he stumbled upon a military checkpoint on a highway and alerted them. Some 200 soldiers were mobilized and went to the farmhouse where a heavy gun battle ensued, leaving one soldier and three drug cartel gunmen dead. Then the soldiers made the grisly discovery of the migrants’ bodies, 58 men and 14 women—migrants from Honduras, El Salvador, Ecuador, and Brazil—who been slaughtered inside a farmhouse close to San Fernando, a small farming community in the Gulf coast state of Tamaulipas and about a 100 miles south of Brownsville, Texas.


Epidemic of Abuse and Exploitation of Migrants


The Mexican government’s National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) reports that more than 10,000 migrant kidnappings have been reported in the first six months of 2010 in Mexico. Yet, the CNDH and the Mexican government have not worked to effectively protect migrants, expose the abuses and prosecute the traffickers and their collaborators in the police, military and other government entities.


Drug traffickers and smugglers, as well as police and military, often hold migrants hostage and force them to pay high ransoms before they are allowed to continue usually on the last leg of their journey to the U.S. The CNDH said that in the first half of 2009, when only some 9,000 migrant kidnapping cases had been reported, corrupt government officials and police, organized crime, traffickers and other criminals extorted as much as $25 million dollars from kidnapped migrants.


When migrants make it to the U.S.-Mexico border, they fare no better. The U.S. deliberately funnels migrants into the deserts and mountains of Arizona and parts of New Mexico and Texas. Here at the border they are subjected to another layer of abuse. They are thrown into the hands of smugglers and other traffickers who have no second thoughts about abandoning individuals, who are often injured or suffering severe exhaustion, in the wilds, where migrants face a certain death either by extremes of heat or cold.


What rights and protections for migrant workers?


As a result of criminalization and few if any options to regularize their status or migrate with rights, U.S. and international migration control policies make migrant workers easy targets for exploitation and criminal attacks and extortion, where they live and work or whether in they are in transit or in the U.S.


Although Mexico is a signatory to the “International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families,” the Mexican government’s de facto policies and treatment of migrants is a bloodied mark on the convention. The U.S. is not a signatory to the migrant workers’ human rights convention. U.S. immigration enforcement and services, bound up to the U.S. politics of national security, are rife with abuses and human rights violations.


Mexican and U.S. policies, collusion through inaction, and their own impunity have created a situation where thousands of migrants are being subjected to extremes of abuse. The massacre of migrants in Mexico shows that drug traffickers have “diversified” their wares to include humans. They act with impunity, either as a result of official corruption or collusion that turns a blind eye to the exploitation, and results in the unfortunate death of migrants “funneled” by U.S. policies through the deadly desert and mountainous areas of the border.


Migrants who survive the journey only slightly fare better. Once out of the clutches of traffickers and smugglers they face a gauntlet of unscrupulous police, elected officials and employers who prey upon them. Or they are further criminalized and are hunted down, filling the dungeons of prisons, euphemistically called “detention centers.”


What is to be done?


What is to be done? Certainly, we should call for the investigation and prosecution all the abusers and those in government who collaborated in this heinous crime. But even this will not be enough. To prevent further abuses will take historic efforts on our and the immigrant rights and justice movements’ part. It will mean organizing to make the U.S. and Mexican governments decriminalize migration and demilitarize immigration control and border communities. These demands also have to expose the root causes and push back on economic and trade policies that undermine communities and forcibly displace workers and divide families.


For now we ask everyone to take a minute to reflect on this horrendous massacre of innocents and to respect those migrants among us who have survived this odyssey – just to be with their families, to work and support their families and communities back home.

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Friday, May 28, 2010

CDH Calls for Border Demilitarization on National Day of Action against SB1070

Coalición de Derechos Humanos


Coalicion de Derechos Humanos

For Immediate Release
May 28, 2010
Contact: Derechos Humanos (520) 770-1373
Communities Condemn Obama Administration's Decision to Further Militarize the U.S. - México Border

We must stand together on May 29, 2010 to show our resolve against injustice

Tucson - The Coalición de Derechos Humanos along with groups across the country, condemn Tuesday's announcement that the Obama Administration will send 1,200 National Guard troops to Arizona and will request an additional $500 million to "secure" the Mexican border.

The decision by Obama to "up the ante" on the militarization scheme of over 16 years, not only follows his administration's record of continued attacks on immigrant families across the nation since he became President but his own DHS 800 ICE agent military-style assault on the communities in Arizona on April 15, 2010. Last year, President Obama also sent more than 700 new federal agents to the border, at that time responding to cries of non-existent "spill-over violence," feeding the continued growth of the militarization and of the anti-immigrant sentiment.

"Our communities have borne the consequences of border security policies implemented since the mid-1990's-thousands of migrants who have been funneled to their deaths along the Arizona-Sonora border, dangerous spikes in xenophobia and the growth of hate groups, negative economic impacts and other tensions for border communities, the eventual election of anti-immigrant politicians and the enactment of anti-immigrant laws," stated Isabel Garcia, member of Coalicion de Derechos Humanos. "Now this new decision will be felt increasingly and devastatingly across the country."

In July of 1994, Doris Meissner, then Commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) released the "Border Patrol Strategic Plan: 1994 and Beyond," which clearly shows that their predicted effects of increased militarization would lead to the current political conditions in the state of Arizona.

"Those of us who knew that Arizona was 'chosen' to become the laboratory for the anti-immigrant policies back in 1994, now hope that we can finally reframe the immigration debate by demanding that President Obama and the Congress engage in a dialogue that includes an analysis of our foreign and economic policies, such as NAFTA and the Merida Initiative (and the resulting migration), a review of our immigration laws and policies that have encouraged unauthorized migration, and an acknowledgement of the vast contributions made by immigrants," stated Garcia. "We must tell the U. S. public the truth about immigration. But if we follow the same framework and continued increases in police and other enforcement/prosecution measures such as Operation Streamline, we will continue the negative consequences as well, including the unprecedented expenditures."

The decision to send military troops into civilian communities is also extremely dangerous. On May 20th, 1997, the nation was horrified by the murder of a U.S. citizen on U.S. soil by the military. Eighteen year-old Esequiel Hernandez, Jr., who was tending to the family's goats on his family's ranch in Redford, Texas was stalked for twenty-one minutes and then shot and killed. The U.S. Marines, part of Joint Task Force Six, an INS/Department of Defense unit working along the border, worried that they had killed an innocent civilian and watched Esequiel dying for approximately twenty minutes before calling in to report the incident. A House Judiciary Sub-Committee subsequently made damaging findings, including accusations of obstruction of investigation, and clearly illustrates the dangers of placing military troops in civilian communities.

Derechos Humanos and allies across the country call on each one of us to take responsibility to learn the truth about the immigration issues and to engage in dialogue in our own communities and families. While those in power focus on pitting us against each other, worker against worker, Big Oil and Wall Street get a free pass. We must not allow the attacks on our communities.

We demand that the Obama Administration reverse his decision to send national guard troops to our border and the request for half a billion dollars to "secure the border."

Our country needs real security - jobs, health care, quality education, housing, healthy communities - not measures that bring pain, division, hate and destruction.

Coalición de Derechos Humanos
P.O. Box 1286 Tucson, AZ 85702
Tel: 520.770.1373
Fax: 520.770.7455

http://ww.derechoshumanosaz.net

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